With Canada hosting the G7 Leaders’ Summit in Alberta later this month, Prime Minister Mark Carney faced an early foreign-policy test: whether to invite India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Some voices in Canada – particularly activists in the Sikh diaspora – argued New Delhi should be kept at arm’s length until the investigation into Hardeep Singh Nijjar’s 2023 murder is complete. That impulse is understandable, but it underestimates what is at stake for Canada’s own interests, for the credibility of the G7 and for a rules-based order now strained by Moscow, Beijing and Washington. Inviting Mr. Modi was not a concession, but a strategic necessity. However, with the invitations to other leaders having been sent, it looks unlikely that Mr. Modi will be at the G7 this year.
Since 2019, India has been invited to every G7 summit, reflecting its status as the world’s fourth-largest economy and an indispensable voice of the Global South. The G7 no longer sets the global agenda by itself. Its influence now depends on an outer ring of “G7-plus” partners – India, Brazil, Indonesia, Mexico, South Korea, and Australia – whose buy-in determines whether major initiatives gain global traction. If Canada wants the summit in Kananaskis, Alta., to matter, it should not have ignored the country that will likely account for almost a quarter of the world’s economic growth this decade.
The reality is that in passing up an opportunity to engage with one of the world’s rising powers, Ottawa is the outlier. Washington is deepening defence and technology ties with New Delhi through the U.S.-India Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET) framework. Tokyo and Canberra see India as a pillar of their Indo-Pacific strategies. London and Paris treat India as a priority market and maritime-security partner. At last year’s G7 meeting, Italy seized the chance to strengthen its co-operation with Asia by inviting India to the summit. By excluding India this year, Canada has lost a major opportunity to expand its range of partnerships.
Mr. Carney has made clear that reducing overreliance on the United States is an economic and security imperative in the age of Trump tariffs. Few markets offer Canada the combination of scale, growth, and democratic governance that India does. Bilateral trade topped $14-billion last year despite frozen free-trade talks and political rancour. Reviving those negotiations – and unlocking opportunities in critical minerals, agri-food, clean tech, and higher education – would have been far easier if India was in the room in Kananaskis.
Of course, justice for Hardeep Singh Nijjar must remain a Canadian priority. But reducing the entire relationship to this incident – or to the broader foreign-interference issue – serves neither justice nor the national interest. Diplomatic history is replete with states that managed to keep talking even amid unresolved grievances; indeed, dialogue is often the only path to accountability. Inviting Mr. Modi would not have absolved anyone of responsibility – it would have created space to address difficult issues while advancing areas of convergence.
Some critics argue an invitation would have “rewarded” India for its use of violence and interference in our elections. But ignoring New Delhi fails to achieve anything besides leaving Canada in the cold. Every other G7 democracy believes engagement is the best lever for encouraging pluralism and rule-of-law reforms in India. Canada should be part of that collective effort rather than sidelined from it.
With diplomatic finesse and long-term vision, Canada can both defend its values and strengthen ties with India. A G7 invitation should be only the first step in that process. Beyond that, Ottawa and New Delhi should reappoint high commissioners and revive ministerial-level dialogues on trade and security. Free-trade talks could resume in stages, beginning with critical minerals, agri-food, and digital trade – areas where gains can be achieved more quickly.
In addition, Canada and India should create a law-enforcement consultative mechanism. A joint working group on transnational crime and extremist financing could address both nations’ concerns while also upholding Canadian legal standards. Finally, Canada should leverage its Indo-Pacific Strategy to re-engage with India. Our universities, clean-energy firms and AI labs are natural partners for India’s growth priorities, and targeted pilot projects can rebuild trust from the ground up.
If Canada hesitates in these or similar efforts, other countries will fill the space. Mr. Carney has framed his foreign-policy review around building a network of reliable partners. That network cannot stop at the G7’s doors. By inviting India’s leader to the G7, Canada could have clearly demonstrated that it intends to lead on the world stage.
This opinion piece first appeared in The Globe and Mail on June 5, 2025
